Two Strategies for Avoiding Truth

TCS Daily: Two Strategies for Avoiding Truth Every so often, I find an article that crystallizes and articulates things I have learned. This is one of them!

I am going to suggest that democratic politics is a very poor information-processing mechanism. The great mass of people form their political beliefs with little regard for facts or logic. However, the elites also have a strategy for avoiding truth. Elites form their political beliefs dogmatically, using their cleverness to organize facts to fit preconceived prejudices. The masses' strategy for avoiding truth is to make a low investment in understanding; the elites' strategy is to make a large investment in selectively choosing which facts and arguments to emphasize or ignore.

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Converse suggested that the political beliefs of roughly 90 percent of the population are incoherent. Most voters lack elementary knowledge of our political system, they hold views that are ideologically jumbled and logically inconsistent, and their opinions change over time in ways that suggest almost random behavior. He suggested that there is a relative sharp fall-off in the coherence of opinions as one goes from the most highly-involved segment of the voting public. Hence, although it is likely that citizens' level of information falls along a continuum, it is a reasonable approximation to speak in terms of elite and mass.

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Ilya Somin, in his contribution to the Critical Review volume, points out that there is no particular reason for citizens to make a large investment in learning facts or forming coherent beliefs about political issues. The low probability that your vote will make a difference makes for an adverse cost-benefit calculation from obtaining information.

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These are two arguments that are commonly made to suggest that in spite of the individual ignorance of the typical voter, the overall decisions of the political process are sound. The political process gives us the wisdom of crowds, as it were.

The argument for macro wisdom is that ignorant individuals either take their cues from informed elites or vote randomly. In either case, the elites become the decisive actors, and the ignorance of the masses has little impact.

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Krugman uses what I call a high-investment strategy for avoiding truth. He puts considerable effort into emphasizing facts and arguments that support his overall position, while ignoring conflicting evidence. However, in this regard, he is far from atypical as an opinion leader.

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Limbaugh and Krugman may not necessarily be wrong (although it is hard for both of them to be right). However, both follow strategies that are designed to reinforce prior beliefs of conservatives and liberals, respectively. They highlight information and arguments that support their prior beliefs. When they encounter contrary evidence, they engage in "motivated skepticism," seeking to undermine the credibility or minimize the significance of the adverse information.

In fact, one could argue that Limbaugh and Krugman do not have wisdom that exceeds that of the ignorant public. However, while the typical individual's rationalizations of his or her beliefs are illogical and ill-informed, Limbaugh's and Krugman's rationalizations are clever and erudite.

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Those who believe in the wisdom of the political process might argue that the competition between political elites–between Democrats and Republicans or between Krugman and Limbaugh–promotes reasonable outcomes. However, I suspect that the net result of this competition is to lead to greater accretion of government power, giving the elites more to fight over. Politics ultimately becomes a competition to promise the undeliverable, whether it be better public education, inexpensive health care, or government suppression of drug abuse or sexual immorality.

Another wrinkle in this analysis, I would add, is the role of the centrist or moderate. Claims of centrism among the electorate (whether in government or within large institutions like the PCUSA) are also often a strategy to avoid the truth. The driving motivation is to appear non-controversial and non-ideological so as to evidence a spirit of “open-mindedness.” It very often elevates style above substance and reason.

Then there is the centrist or moderate among the elite who does know the ends and outs of substantive issues and has positioned themselves in such a way for one of two reasons. First, it is a strategy to keep power by capturing a voting block that they sense is put off by other elites. Second, it is the mindset of people with immense attachment and loyalty to an institution over and above substantive political issues.

Anyway, I think this article ties several pieces together very well.


Comments

12 responses to “Two Strategies for Avoiding Truth”

  1. This is dishearteningly accurate. I fear it does not bode well for either our national political system or Presbyterianism. Both assume (in theory) a level of responsibility on the part of participants – that is, in practice, sorely lacking.
    I don’t fault people in terms of risk-reward analysis. However, it does mean that our systems are destined for control by elitists – whether in the church or in the state. And I personally find that a loathsome situation that is being exploited by thoroughly unethical people.

  2. I think this analysis also explains why incrementalism is so effective. Large changes in the system catch the attention of people who would otherwise make a minimal investment in understanding what is going on. A series of slight changes may disturb a few here and there but not enough to engage a populist revolt. The risk-reward is not high enough.
    On the other hand do we really want everyone involved with analyzing and challenging every fine point of the institution? To some degree, I think a case can be made that a certain level of disengagement by the masses that steps in only when significant alterations are manifested may not be all bad.
    I come back to Mark Twain’s observation, “Democracy is the worst political system… except for all the others.” What would the alternative be?

  3. “What would the alternative be?”
    Fair enough question. I have tended to believe (probably naively) that an answer to this lies in presbyters actually fulfilling our obligations – and in a system that doesn’t depend on byzantine processes (aka 50s style bureaucracy) that the average member cannot quite comprehend.
    I think most people fail to grasp exactly how much the PC(USA) has changed – both since it became the PC(USA), and more pronouncedly, from its predecessor denominations. We have progressed far more dramatically than most people realize. If one has a progressive bent, one will no doubt regard this as good.
    I’m still stuck on the bottom line that the Presbyterian Panel’s statistics clearly indicate a gap of crisis proportions between our “elitists” and our members and elders. The gap is not as great if just measured among clergy – but even then, the differences between the views of regular clergy and the actions of the denomination are startling – and unjust given our foundational system.
    However, the tendencies you mention (and this article outlines) indicate that most members and elders will remain unaware of this – and continue to give their time, money, and numbers to support causes they personally find offensive violations of their beliefs.

  4. Dana Ames Avatar
    Dana Ames

    “Dishearteningly accurate” and “byzantine processes” resonate with me for sure.
    Just the other day, my 20 yo son and I were discussing a contention he read recently, and with which he agreed, that all governments eventually become oligarchies…
    It seems to me that Jesus in his Jewish context was not calling his followers to create institutionalization, but rather a living organic Body. We still have far to go.
    Dana

  5. The thing I keep coming back to is that a guy 2,000 years ago gathered a handful of folks and poured his life into them. Then he told them to gather small bands and do the same with them.
    Transformation can not come from large entities like GAC or GA. It can’t come from presbyteries. I am not sure it can even come from congregations. I think it comes from bands of people investing themselves in transformation and the transformation of those around them. The best thing that larger entities can do is to prepare fertile soil in which such transformation can take place. Small bands renew congregations. Congregations renew Presbyteries. Presbyteries renew the denomination.
    I think this dynamic is true in other large institutions as well.

  6. I agree with you on this. I was less than diplomatic in my earlier comments (sorry). I see the problem as significant (and dire), but you’re right – the solution won’t come through the top of a large organization.
    A similar dynamic works in our civil system – many of the problems we experience in the PC(USA) are very similar to those encountered in our civil government. (Going back to the original post, here …) The theory re: church organizations is somewhat different than civil organizations – how might our nation be transformed? I happen to agree with your Twain quote, but I see the phenomenon you describe as a failure of modified democratic institutions to work as they are designed.

  7. “I was less than diplomatic in my earlier comments.”
    I didn’t sense that at all. (Or maybe I just agree. 🙂 )
    I agree with you that the situation is more dire than many realize for institutions like the PCUSA.
    I think where some of the danger lies in national politics is the withering of our identity as a Republic. Things like the US Senate (2 Senators from each state regardless of size) and the electoral college help moderate some of the downsides of democracy. Direct democracy would be a disaster but so would no representative government. There are some checks and balances.
    “…but I see the phenomenon you describe as a failure of modified democratic institutions to work as they are designed.”
    And I wonder if a part of this doesn’t go back to civic education and the constant need for renewal in education about how the system is supposed to work. The problem is getting a critical mass of people focused on such issues when they feel free from threat and have considerable affluence.

  8. “I didn’t sense that at all. (Or maybe I just agree. 🙂 )” LOL
    “Direct democracy would be a disaster but so would no representative government.” Agreed.
    “The problem is getting a critical mass of people focused on such issues when the feel free from threat and have considerable affluence.”
    I think this is the central problem in both situations (civil and church).

  9. We still live with the modern myth of either/or in our culture, as if life, politics and faith are merely a two-sided issue with a smooth stream of coherency that ought to connect one side and a stumbling maze of contradictions that connects the opposition. The author cites the publication from Converse that was released in 1964, the year that modernity died in America. The day after LBJ was elected in a landslide marked the end of mainline Christianity, the New Deal and the coalition of Southern Segregationists and Northern Liberals in the Democratic Party. The modern Republican Party (that arguably died last November) was born through the martyr of Barry Goldwater in 64. The election of 64 was our countries final attempt to believe in a culturally homogenous macro narrative. After 64 we were no longer were we allowed to believe that our regional (tribal) cultures were seamlessly connected to the rest of the country. Bombs started dropping on loved ones as we watched from our living rooms, as flag draped coffins piled up. A peaceful march for civil rights turned into a riot in Salem. And then four years later God gave us Richard Nixon. The death of a homogenous cultural narrative that was transferable from Georgia to Vermont forced our country to take a closer look at our ignored cultural, religious and intelligential contradictions. This gave birth to the wedge issue and boiled all of government work down to guns, God and gays. Is there a more damning charge to a pastor or a politician than “he is not one of us?” Everyone was once “one of us” even if they weren’t. The hedged orthodoxy of a few issues, at the expense of what truly matters, is what Krugman and Rush have been dining out on for the past twenty years. And we, the mindless masses, have allowed the hook to be stuck in our nose as we are happily led off the cliff. What this piece illuminates is not a new truth or a recent trend, but merely a recognition of what was been true from the time of Babel. We are a diverse people. We are desperate people. We will dig, shout, climb or build until we are exhausted just to prove we are right and that “they” (insert liberal, conservative, Christian, pagan, gays, fundies) are wrong. But at the end of our effort of self-promotion and intellectual contradiction, that is where we begin to discover the grace of God. A grace that reminds us we are always whole and always broken. And in the end, that is the truth we ignore.

  10. Thanks for these thoughts Geoff! Here are a couple more thoughts.
    I am not persuaded that what we are experiencing is all that unprecedented. I pretty much agree with your description of an unraveling over the past thirty years or so. However, we have been here before. The harmony of the period around the late 19th and early 20th Centuries gave way to the chaos of the 1920s and 1930s. The “Era of Good Feeling” in the early 19th Century gave way to the Civil War by mid-century. The Great Awakening of the early 18th Century gave way to the divisive American Revolution. There is an undulation between consensus and division. “There is a time to build up and a time to tear down.”
    That is not to say that their isn’t some linearity to the movement and that that movement is away from Modernity toward something else. Metanarratives, because they are created by infinite fallen humans create anomalies that lead to their own destruction (or at least reconfiguration) and then a new metanarrative emerges. But because none of us ever lives through more than a complete cycle of this change we do not personally experience the undulating nature of the change. The tendency is to collapse into a “parochialism of the present” and project the present trajectory of change indefinitely forward. I think it is much more complex. I expect that there will emerge a consensus narrative in the next couple of decades (but not before a lot more rancor) that will collapse after I have passed from this life.
    As to Republicans and Democrats, I don’t know what the future holds but I wouldn’t be writing a eulogy for the Republicans yet. It may be the passing of a Reaganesque Republicanism but I don’t see other party with a clear hold on the future.

  11. I would not argue that it was the death of the Republican Party, not by any means. But this cycle of GOP domination has come to an end. The sure sign? Watch how many of them running in 08 want to tell us how they are the REAL Reagan Republican. Any party, church or movement that stumbles and then says it is because they are not enough like the past is in it’s final days.

  12. “Any party, church or movement that stumbles and then says it is because they are not enough like the past is in it’s final days.” I couldn’t disagree with this more strongly.
    In the case of the GOP, most of the people attempting to make that claim are referring to limited government conservatism. This was Reagan’s rhetoric, but not Reagan’s policy. Very few ‘conservative’ politicians have ever actually attempted it (at least in the last half-century). George W. Bush left off any pretense of espousing such a view – thus the debate about what is the correct philosophy of ‘conservatives’.
    I do not believe we see really new ideas. Issues change. Applications change. But general philosophies tend to last for a very long time. This is as true today as it ever was.
    Within the church, there are some who idealize the past, and seek to reclaim it, but most are talking about philosophy and doctrine. They believe that there are doctrines definitional to Christianity that have been brushed aside in the pursuit of novelty. This pursuit has not yielded new ideas, but rehashed versions of ancient ideas. They just have new packaging. The gist of the argument is not that Christianity as presented in the Bible has been “tried and found wanting; it has been found difficult and left untried”. (to borrow from Chesterton)

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